Did Catherine the Great murder her husband Tsar Peter III?

From the beginning, Catherine and Peter’s marriage showed that their temper and aims did not match.

Catherine, who was born Sophia Augusta Frederica of Anhalt-Zerbst in 1729, arrived in Russia at age fifteen and converted to Orthodoxy under the name Yekaterina Alekseyevna.

Within a year, she married the heir to the throne, Grand Duke Peter, whose personal immaturity and obsession with Prussia quickly alarmed observers. 

Some early reports from the court described Peter’s unpredictable behaviour and mood swings, and noted his strong focus on toy soldiers, his open mockery of Russian customs, and his admiration for Frederick the Great.

In contrast, Catherine built alliances at court, studied Russian history and politics, and took steady steps to gain the favour of Empress Elizabeth and key noble families.

Her language skills and public religious devotion created an image of loyalty, even as she faced personal humiliation.

Over time, their personal separation deepened, primarily due to the fact that Peter gave much attention to his mistress, Elizaveta Vorontsova, while Catherine entered private relationships that seemed designed to gain protection and political support.

Among these, Sergei Saltykov and later Stanisław Poniatowski stood out, both of whom kept contact with foreign powers.

Her position steadily grew stronger as each year passed and she won the support of the elite guards stationed near the capital. 

By the late 1750s, Peter increasingly posed a serious risk to Catherine’s future. He spoke openly of divorce, threatened to declare her son illegitimate, and surrounded himself with advisers hostile to her presence at court.

For Catherine’s supporters, the fear of her removal sparked preparations to ensure her survival, as they deliberately worked to weaken Peter’s control of the army, win the loyalty of key officers, and prepare for a transfer of power should the opportunity arise.

After Empress Elizabeth’s death in December 1761, Peter ascended the throne in early January 1762 and immediately began making a series of decisions that weakened his support among nearly every faction of Russian political life.

Arguably most controversial was his decision to withdraw Russian forces from the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) and return captured territories, including East Prussia, to Frederick the Great.

Many officers openly called this a shameful reversal of Russian military success, even though peace with Prussia had not yet formally concluded the wider war.

Soon after, he issued domestic reforms that drew on Enlightenment principles but failed to consider Russian traditions or social expectations, as he stripped church institutions of their landholdings, introduced military changes that mirrored Prussian practice, and announced plans to reduce privileges enjoyed by the nobility.

At court, his severe treatment of advisors, his dependence on German officials, and his lack of respect for Orthodox customs largely put off the clergy and officials alike. 

Importantly, Peter’s behaviour towards Catherine became more dangerous. He resumed talk of divorce, threatened her position as mother of the heir, and increased the importance of Vorontsova in official functions.

By this point, Catherine’s allies viewed the situation as unacceptable. Guards officers such as the Orlov brothers, particularly Grigory Orlov, who commanded elite regiments and had personal connections to Catherine, began to plan an intervention.

Within weeks, the basic outline of the coup had formed. It required a moment of weakness and a delayed reaction from Peter, conditions that the conspirators effectively exploited because public support prevented widespread resistance.

As Peter focused on reform and personal pleasure, he failed to detect the danger that grew around him, because his trust in his position, along with his poor judgement, ultimately left him exposed to rapid overthrow.

Early on 9 July 1762, Catherine left her residence and travelled to the Ismailovsky Regiment’s barracks, where loyal officers greeted her with open declarations of support.

Quickly, she proceeded to the Semenovsky and Preobrazhensky Regiments, whose soldiers pledged their allegiance and escorted her into the city under military guard.

She presented herself as a defender of the military and the nation, which she emphasised by choosing the green uniform of the Preobrazhensky Regiment. 

By the time she reached the Kazan Cathedral, her coup had already succeeded in practice, as she received the church’s blessing from Archbishop Arsenius, stood before crowds who cheered, and declared her claim to the throne.

Shortly after, the Senate and Synod formally recognised her as empress, while announcements spread through St Petersburg that outlined why she had taken the throne.

She accused Peter of misrule that apparently offended religious beliefs and suggested betrayal of Russian interests.

At the Winter Palace, government clerks altered titles and seals to reflect the new regime.

Meanwhile, Peter attempted to respond from Oranienbaum but discovered that most of his commanders had already defected.

He fled to Kronstadt to seek escape or to rally naval support, but was refused entry at the fortress gates.

Because he effectively lacked both military options and loyal followers, he sent word of surrender and requested protection in exchange for abdication. 

On 10 July, Peter signed the formal document by which he gave up the throne.

Catherine allowed him to live temporarily under guard at Ropsha, an isolated estate several hours from the capital, where Aleksei Orlov and a small detachment of soldiers kept him under guard.

No official charges were apparently filed. He remained out of sight and out of communication with anyone outside the guards' oversight.

No portraits, letters, or reports apparently survived from his final days.

Within days of his arrival at Ropsha, Peter died under suspicious circumstances.

The official announcement that was issued by Catherine’s government on 17 July claimed that he had died of an intestinal illness, which various accounts described vaguely as “haemorrhoidal inflammation” or “colic.”

No autopsy was conducted, and no clergy were present. No public mourning followed. 

Immediately, foreign diplomats raised doubts, as the British ambassador, James Harris, promptly sent word to London that rumours of strangulation had reached the court.

The Danish ambassador expressed disbelief in private letters, citing the suspicious timing of the death.

Guards who returned from Ropsha said nothing. Catherine issued a statement in which she offered condolences without explanation, and the court returned to normal within days.

Some later reports that were written by those close to the Orlovs described a violent quarrel between Peter and his guards, and, according to one version, he became drunk, insulted his captors, and this provoked a physical struggle that ended in his death.

According to another account, Orlov himself had allegedly strangled Peter with a scarf; however, no testimony confirmed either version, and no inquiry ever took place.

No death mask or public viewing was apparently permitted, and his body was buried quietly at Alexander Nevsky Monastery without state ceremony.

In 1796, Peter’s son Paul I had his remains transferred and reburied in the Peter and Paul Cathedral. 

Taken together, his quick burial, the vague medical cause, and the absence of an independent witness strongly suggested that the death was not natural.

Yet without conclusive evidence, the question remains unresolved.

No direct, definitive proof survives that Catherine ordered her husband’s death, but the conditions that surrounded it appear to point to silent approval, if not active consent.

Aleksei Orlov, who had overseen Peter’s confinement, returned to St Petersburg immediately after the death, reportedly received praise from Catherine, and continued to serve as one of her closest military advisers.

Later rumours suggested that he had sent her a private letter immediately after Peter’s death, but no such correspondence had ever been found. 

Some years later, Orlov had allegedly admitted to acquaintances that Peter had died during a fight but refused to explain further.

His control over the events at Ropsha together with the lack of any punishment or investigation likely showed that his actions had been either expected or quietly accepted, as Catherine’s silence, both in public and in private correspondence, allowed the matter to disappear from the official record.

Other figures at court, including Ivan Shuvalov, reportedly expressed private concern over the suddenness of the death.

Privately, her supporters may have viewed Peter’s death as a necessary step to prevent rebellion, foreign interference, or confusion about the succession, since alive he had remained a symbol of resistance and a potential figurehead for counter-coup attempts. Once he had died, he posed no threat. 

Catherine went on to rule for thirty-four years. She never referred to Peter in her memoirs beyond vague comments about his instability.

Within the Russian court, his name gradually faded, while Catherine changed the imperial order, rebuilt her public image, and left a reign that became known for expansion and reform carried out alongside ruthless consolidation of power. 

The question of Peter’s death is unanswered because few witnesses were willing or able to speak.