The Beer Hall Putsch: Hitler's failed first attempt at seizing power in Germany

After Germany had been defeated in World War I, the country entered a period of severe economic collapse that produced national humiliation and caused political disintegration.

The Treaty of Versailles, which had been signed in June 1919, stripped Germany of its colonies and military strength, imposed enormous reparations, and forced it to accept blame for the war.

These terms greatly damaged the German economy and stirred public anger toward the Weimar government, which many blamed for surrendering and accepting the treaty’s harsh conditions. 

By 1923, hyperinflation had risen rapidly, which made the German mark nearly worthless and which wiped out the savings of the middle class.

Food shortages became common, unemployment rose sharply and faith in democracy began to fail.

The situation worsened when French and Belgian troops occupied the Ruhr in January 1923, demanding payment of reparations in kind, which halted industrial production and pushed Germany closer to economic ruin. 

The Weimar Republic, which had already lost popular support, relied more on emergency decrees and military force to maintain order.

Weakened by internal disputes and dependent on weak coalitions, the government failed to present a strong or unified response.

In regions such as Bavaria, where nationalist sentiments ran high and conservative leaders resisted central control, conditions became ideal for far-right groups to organise and plan rebellion.

In September 1923, Gustav von Kahr was appointed State Commissioner of Bavaria with dictatorial powers, forming a ruling triumvirate with General Otto von Lossow and Police Chief Hans von Seisser.

Their opposition to Berlin's authority made Munich a haven for anti-republican conspirators. 

The German Workers’ Party, which had been founded in 1919 by Anton Drexler, received little attention until Adolf Hitler joined later that year and began delivering speeches that blamed Jews, communists and Weimar politicians.

By 1920, Hitler had risen to become the party’s most prominent figure, and he helped rename it the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP), which became known as the Nazi Party.

His speeches, which mixed racial hatred with promises of national renewal, drew large crowds and expanded the party’s influence across Bavaria. 

Throughout the early 1920s, Hitler built a close alliance with nationalist paramilitary groups, particularly the SA (Sturmabteilung), which operated as the Nazi Party’s private militia.

Veterans, anti-communists, and former Freikorps members joined in growing numbers, which gave the movement both numbers and street-level influence.

Encouraged by the political chaos and inspired by Benito Mussolini’s March on Rome in October 1922, Hitler became convinced that a similar march could allow him to overthrow the government in Berlin.

In his speeches, he regularly invoked the Dolchstoßlegende, or "stab-in-the-back myth," which accused Jews and Marxists of betraying the German army during World War I. 

Because he had forged ties with prominent figures in the Bavarian military and political establishment, including General Erich Ludendorff, Hitler had positioned himself as a serious actor in nationalist circles.

These connections gave him the confidence to believe that a revolt in Munich could trigger a larger uprising across Germany, with conservative elites rallying to his side against the Weimar regime. 

On the evening of 8 November 1923, Hitler led a group of around 600 armed SA men into the Bürgerbräukeller, one of Munich’s largest beer halls, where Gustav von Kahr, Otto von Lossow, and Hans von Seisser were addressing a large crowd of businessmen and local leaders.

When he burst into the hall, Hitler fired his pistol into the ceiling and declared that the national revolution had begun.

He falsely claimed that the government in Berlin had fallen and that a new administration was being formed.

He forced the three officials into a back room and demanded their support, and he claimed that the army and police had already sided with him. 

Although Hitler managed to extract vague promises under pressure, his plan began to unravel once Kahr and the others were released.

Rather than honouring their forced declarations, they denounced the putsch and quickly organised loyal troops to resist the Nazi takeover.

In other parts of the city, the SA had taken control of several locations, including the army headquarters and the telegraph office, but their actions remained badly coordinated and failed to secure sufficient support to block reinforcements loyal to the Bavarian government.

Ludendorff, who had insisted on releasing the three officials out of a sense of honour, mistakenly believed they would remain loyal to their promises. 

By early the next morning, Hitler realised that the situation had shifted against him.

Still hoping to seize control of key institutions and inspire public support, he gathered nearly 2,000 followers and prepared to march into central Munich.

As Ludendorff walked alongside him, he believed that the symbolic weight of their march could overcome the government’s resistance. 

As the column of marchers advanced through the streets, they made their way toward the Odeonsplatz, near the Feldherrnhalle, a site associated with Bavarian military glory.

There they encountered a well-armed line of Bavarian police. Without warning, a short but violent firefight broke out between the putschists and the authorities.

At least four police officers were killed in the exchange, along with approximately sixteen of Hitler’s followers, many of whom had marched believing they would face little opposition.

Around thirty-five others were wounded. 

In the chaos that followed, Ludendorff continued walking forward and allowed himself to be arrested, while Hitler fled the scene.

During his escape, he injured his shoulder, possibly when another marcher fell on him.

The rest of the Nazi leadership scattered, and most were arrested over the following days.

The uprising had failed completely, and the Weimar government quickly regained control over Bavaria. 

The collapse of the putsch exposed the Nazis as disorganised and unable to carry out a coordinated takeover.

It also weakened Hitler’s efforts to appear as a disciplined leader who could restore order to the nation.

For the time being, the Nazi Party had lost its credibility among many of its supporters, and the movement nearly collapsed. 

Police arrested Hitler two days later and charged him with treason. During his trial in early 1924, he turned the courtroom into a stage for his political ideas, defending his actions as a patriotic effort to save Germany.

The sympathetic judges allowed him to speak for a long time and rarely interrupted his speeches.

Presiding Judge Georg Neithardt, a conservative with nationalist leanings, permitted Hitler to portray himself as a martyr.

Although guilty of attempting to overthrow the state, Hitler received only a five-year sentence in Landsberg Prison and served just over eight months. 

During his time in prison, Hitler had dictated Mein Kampf to his loyal associate Rudolf Hess.

In this book, he combined his life story with political ideas, expressing his hatred of Jews and his belief in racial hierarchy and stating his intention to tear up the Treaty of Versailles.

His time in prison convinced him that future success would require a different strategy.

Rather than relying on violence, Hitler began to focus on building a mass movement that could win power through elections and legal channels. 

By the time of his release in December 1924, the Nazi Party had been banned in Bavaria, but Hitler soon set it up again.

He reorganised its structure, reached rural and middle-class voters, and crafted a message that promised national unity and economic recovery and that appealed to voters by promising revenge against Germany’s enemies. 

During the years that followed, the Nazi Party turned the failure of the Beer Hall Putsch into a symbolic story that celebrated sacrifice and courage and presented new beginnings as a goal.

Hitler portrayed himself as a political martyr who had acted out of loyalty to the nation and paid the price for trying to rescue Germany.

The sixteen men who died during the march were called “blood witnesses,” and the annual 9 November commemoration became a main ritual of the Nazi movement. 

The “Blutfahne,” or Blood Flag, stained with the blood of fallen Nazis, became a sacred object used in ceremonies.

New party banners were blessed by touching them to this flag during annual parades, reinforcing the narrative of continuity and dedication.

Nazi propaganda elevated the putsch into a key moment in their struggle, portraying it as the first step toward eventual victory. 

After he had come to power in 1933, Hitler ensured that the myth of the putsch featured prominently in official histories and in monuments and played a central role in public ceremonies.

The Bürgerbräukeller became a Nazi shrine and the starting point of yearly marches, while the Ehrentempel (Honor Temples) were built in Munich to house the remains of the sixteen fallen Nazis.

After the war had ended, the Allies ordered the removal of their remains, and the structures were later demolished.

What had been a humiliating defeat was reimagined as a moment of glory and new beginning.

Through this process, the Nazi Party transformed a failed coup into a powerful instrument of political messaging that helped strengthen loyalty and inspire future followers.