
In June 1832, a twenty-three-year-old woman named Elizabeth Bentley told a parliamentary committee in London that she had entered a flax mill in Leeds at the age of six, working from five in the morning until nine at night removing bobbins from spinning frames.
Her testimony was one of eighty-nine statements collected by Michael Sadler’s Select Committee on Factory Children’s Labour, and it described a working life that had left her body deformed by thirteen.
Across industrial Britain during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, children as young as four and five were recorded in factory employment, their labour driven by economic desperation and enabled by a legal system that offered them almost no protection.
The early textile mills required a workforce that was cheap, obedient, and physically small enough to crawl beneath machinery, which meant that factory owners recruited children from two principal sources.
The first was working-class families, who needed every household member earning a wage to afford rent and food.
In the manufacturing towns of Lancashire and Yorkshire, parents routinely sent children into cotton and woollen mills between the ages of six and ten, since a child’s earnings of a few shillings per week could determine whether a family survived or fell into the workhouse.
The second source was the parish apprenticeship system, which supplied orphaned and abandoned children directly to mill owners.
Under the Poor Law, workhouse authorities could bind children as apprentices to factory proprietors, often hundreds of miles from their original parishes.
In 1800, approximately 20,000 such apprentices were employed in cotton mills across England.
Robert Blincoe, an orphan from the St Pancras workhouse in London, was one of them.
At seven years old, in 1799, he was sent to the Gonalston Mill near Nottingham, operated by C.W. and F. Lambert. Blincoe recalled being one of eighty children transported from London in wagons over five days.
His memoir, published in 1828, described constant exhaustion, physical punishment, and dangerous machinery.

Since factory machinery required constant attention and cleaning, mill owners assigned their youngest employees to tasks that demanded small hands and small bodies.
Children as young as five worked as “scavengers,” crawling beneath spinning mules while they were still in motion to collect loose cotton waste.
Scavenging was exceptionally dangerous, because the heavy carriage of the mule moved back and forth on rails, and a child who misjudged the timing could be crushed or lose fingers.
Blincoe lost half a finger in precisely this way at Gonalston Mill. Other young children worked as “piecers,” standing at spinning frames for hours to rejoin broken threads, a task requiring constant stooping.
In silk mills, where threads were finer and lighter, employers could use even younger hands.
William Rastrick, an overlooker at Shute’s Silk Mill in Watford, told Sadler’s committee in July 1832 that he had known children to begin work at six.
According to the historians J.L. and Barbara Hammond, church records indicated that the real starting age for some children was four or five.
The silk industry later received an exemption from the Factory Act of 1833, because manufacturers argued that their lighter work justified the use of younger children.
Between 1816 and 1842, a series of parliamentary committees and royal commissions investigated child labour in British factories and mines.
Sir Robert Peel’s committee of 1816 heard evidence about apprentice children working sixteen-hour days in cotton mills.
Peel, himself a wealthy factory owner and father of the future prime minister, pushed for the Health and Morals of Apprentices Act of 1802, the first factory legislation in British history.
That Act required apprentices to work no more than twelve hours a day, but it lacked any enforcement mechanism and was widely ignored.
Sadler’s committee of 1832 produced the most extensive testimony about the youngest factory workers.
Joseph Hebergam, born in Huddersfield in 1815, told the committee that he had started work at George Addison’s Bradley Mill at the age of seven, labouring from five in the morning until eight at night with only thirty minutes for a meal.
By the time he testified, Hebergam’s lungs were damaged and his leg muscles no longer worked properly.
In 1842, a further parliamentary report on children in mines recorded cases of children as young as four working in coal mines across Staffordshire and Yorkshire, where the low ceilings made children more effective than adults for pushing skips along narrow tunnels.
As evidence of child exploitation accumulated through the 1820s and 1830s, factory owners wielded considerable influence in Parliament and argued that restricting child labour would cripple British industry.
Richard Oastler, a land agent from Yorkshire, countered such arguments in 1830 with an open letter to the Leeds Mercury titled “Yorkshire Slavery,” drawing direct comparisons between factory children and enslaved people in the colonies.
Even after Sadler’s report created widespread outrage, Parliament refused to legislate on its basis, because critics pointed out that witnesses had not given evidence under oath.
A fresh Royal Commission visited manufacturing districts and took sworn testimony instead.
The resulting Factory Act of 1833 prohibited the employment of children under nine in most textile trades and limited children aged nine to thirteen to eight hours per day.
Crucially, it appointed four factory inspectors to enforce the new rules, the first dedicated enforcement mechanism for labour regulation in British history.
According to inspector reports from 1835, child employment in textile factories had dropped by approximately fifty per cent.
Further legislation followed: the Mines and Collieries Act of 1842 banned children under ten from underground work, and the Ten Hours Act of 1847 limited the working day for women and children.
For the youngest workers who had already spent their early years in mills and mines, these reforms arrived too late, as their bodies carried the permanent consequences of a system that had treated them as expendable.
